rdfs:comment
| - The nation of Turkey had always been rent by conflict, though those conflicts were not often open. By the time the twenty-first century began, those conflicts were slowly but surely coming to the fore. They began as national conflicts, when in 2006 the Kurdish minority in the east stepped up their long-dormant campaign for national autonomy. These campaigns were attacked with violent repression by the central government in Ankara, but these attacks only served to align more and more Kurds on the side of the autonomists. By 2008, the conflict had grown military, with the government and the Workers Party of Kurdistan exchanging blows in both Turkish and Iraqi Kurdistan.
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abstract
| - The nation of Turkey had always been rent by conflict, though those conflicts were not often open. By the time the twenty-first century began, those conflicts were slowly but surely coming to the fore. They began as national conflicts, when in 2006 the Kurdish minority in the east stepped up their long-dormant campaign for national autonomy. These campaigns were attacked with violent repression by the central government in Ankara, but these attacks only served to align more and more Kurds on the side of the autonomists. By 2008, the conflict had grown military, with the government and the Workers Party of Kurdistan exchanging blows in both Turkish and Iraqi Kurdistan. The method other than violence that the Turkish elite tried in order to end the separatist movement involved an appeal to Islamic identity. Beginning in 2007, there began a long trend away from traditional laicism and towards an establishment of Islam as the official religion. The Justice and Development Party (the vehicle for this shift) was seldom able to gain a majority vote, but always managed to assemble a coalition of religious and far-right nationalist parties in order to maintain its government. The third conflict to develop at about this time was the class conflict. The Communist Party of Turkey was re-formed in 2001, while the pre-existing Freedom and Solidarity Party continued to represent the far left in Parliament during the period between 2000 and 2007. However, the major crisis in the class conflict would not develop fully until 2010. The industrial towns of the Marmara region (Istanbul, Bursa, Corlu, and others) suffered because the Ankara government raised taxes and intensified conscription in order to meet the escalating needs of war against the Kurdish separatists. A series of wildcat strikes in Istanbul, protesting the conversion of several auto plants to tank-producing plants, and the sacking of many workers in the process, contributed to a depression that began in November of that year. That depression spread to Turkey's customers in the Balkans, and initiated a round of EU tariffs against Turkish products and Turkey's expulsion from the EEC. During the years leading up to 2012, the organized Left began to see its opportunity and organized to meet the need. The Communist Party of Turkey, the Labor Party, and the Freedom and Solidarity Party merged to form the Communist Union of Turkey under the leadership of Yusuf Kemal. The more moderate parties, including the Democratic Left Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Social Democratic People's Party, and the Social Democracy Party formed the Turkish Social Democracy, and the Popular Front that the two groups forged won twenty percent of the seats in Parliament in the 2011 Special Elections, mostly on the votes of discontented western urbanites.
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